Archive for April, 2005

Official secret top secret

Tuesday, April 19th, 2005

TRIAL AGAINST MIRKO NORAC:

On 24 March 2003 the first ever sentence for war crimes committed by the Croatian Army against Serb civilians in the 1991-95 war in Croatia was pronounced. In the “Gospic Group” Trial the Rijeka County Court found Tihomir Oreskovic, Mirko Norac and Stjepan Grandic guilty of war crimes, while indictees Ivica Rozic and Milan Canic Bico were acquitted of all charges due to lack of evidence…

Ten days ago the Tribunal issued an indictment against Mirko Norac for crimes committed against Serbs in the “Medak pocket” in 1993.

Official secret top secret
OFFICIAL NOTE
Made on 24 September 1999. year, in Department for terrorism suppressing of MUP (Ministry for internal affairs police), on the occasion of published conversation with Rozic Ivica, son of Stjepan, born on 16th January 1962 in Gospic, 14 Budacka Street, retired member of SIS (Counter Intelligence Military Service), 9th guard brigade, which was published on 20th of September 1999 in Gospic.The conversation was about circumstances of his knowledge of placed mines on Gospic area, about which he sad the following.

Ivica Rozic Roka alias White Wolf in the “Gospic Group” Trial the Rijeka County Court
That he, on earlier made informational conversation, said everything he knew about mines and mine-explosive devices, and that was the truth, prooved the fact that since April till today not one explosive device has exploded on area of Lika-Senj county.During the previous conversation he said that he knew for several placed mines on Kosinj area, which he placed himself, and he said that because showing of that mine places was his condition for retirement, for precaution, because he was afraid of what might have happened with him after that previous conversation.Further, he said that the fact was that he knew about existence of unmarked mine field, made of anti-infantry mines in Kosinj, and he found out about that mine field from a map he found in one Serbian house, together with some notebook. In the notebook was written what kind of mines were there and who brought the mines in Kosinj. Mines were brought by soldiers of ex JNA (Yugoslav army), an officer whose name was Cad, and mines were placed by Serbs from Kosinj. On that map was marked the area on which were the mines, and that was a hill which separated Croatian part of settlement from Serbian part, the side of the hill which led to Serbian houses, in the direction from Gornji Kosinj to Lipovo polje. Beginning of the mine field was in direction of crossroad in Gornji Kosinj, on which were the police point. There was no further cognition about mines.

Further he said that this summer, after he got retired, together with three members of 9th guard brigade, who were also retired, he organised celebration on Baske Ostarije. On that celebration was present general Mirko Norac, several officers of SIS and several military officers from Headquarters of OS of Croatia.

Then one officer from Headquarters said that he prohibited him any conversations with the police and anyone who is connected with police and general Norac told him that he wouldn’t allow that somebody plays games with his people.

Also one officer from Headquarters (didn’t want to say his name) told him that for his retirement was meritorious strictly general Mirko Norac and that on some meeting where was discussed his retirement, against the retirement was Zeljko Sacic, assistant of minister for internal affairs, and that he was imputing him all against.

He also said that on that occasion they were retteling him what was talking about on the meetings in Gospic in March and April of this year.

Further he said that he was prohibited to talk with the police, because he might be delivered in Haag, and he thought it wasn’t right, because everything he was doing during the war, he did for welfare of Croatia and with knowledge of superiors.

He mentioned that before action Medacki dzep (Medak pocket) came in Gospic deceased minister Gojko Susak and told them that would be good to be less Serbs on that area, which he understood they should be killed or sent away, so added, I quote: why Sacic behave as he is crazy, he was also here and he knows everything what was going on here and why, ended quotation. Some things was done by Rozic, some others, and some things were done by specialists and we all know that.

He said that he participated himself in preparation of plans for action Medacki dzep and added that he conducted defining of attacks and leaving corridor for Serbs so that they could escape. Also he said that he was placing mines by order in Serbian houses in Gospic and around houses, and made it so it looked like attack on Gospic, to show European observers that Serbs were breaking the truce.

In fear of going to Haag, he said that he planned several times how to commit murder of Milan Levar, who went to Haag as a witness. He thought how to poison him with some strong poison by putting on his fields poison in potatoes, or simply wait for him somewhere and kill him and throw his body in one of ditches on Velebit.

He also said, in earlier conversation, he mentioned possibility to collect out of Serbian graves human bones and throw it somewhere on Velebit and to blow up that area, and than send to Levar an anonymous report that on that place are the bones of Serbs disappeared in 1991., so that Levar kills himself in mine field when he comes on that place.

He said that several days before from one old wooden house, which was across Levar’s apartment, he was observing how he could kill him through window, when he was in apartment, with shotgun.

Nevertheless, he said that for Levar’s liquidation still has no green light.

He also said that, as a potential ICTY’s witness, was dangerous Sinisa Glusac from Vrhovine, who was main Levar’s trump card, as he thought.He says that this summer, one day (doesn’t remember the date) he had an idea to kill Suljkanovic Ibrahim. Namely, he was in front of his house in Budacka Street and spotted Suljkanovic in front of the house as he was going down the Budacka Street and stopping cars. He decided to kill him and set in his car to get on the Budacka Street and give a ride to Suljkanovic, kill him and take his body somewhere on Velebit and get rid of the body, but when he wanted to get out of the yard, he couldn’t , because someone parked on his car entrance, so he gave up. He wanted to kill Suljkanovic because he, together with Levar was giving statements to journalists of Globus (Zeljko Peratovic) about some actions from the war.
Ibrahim Suljkanović i Milan Levar na Ugljanu
Ibrahim Suljkanovic and Milan Levar on Ugljan (August, 1999), where Ibro was hiding in clinic for alchocolism, so that White Wolf (Ivica Rozic Roka) don’t find him.
Then he said that he, during the war, took away lots of people, who were never seen again, their relatives maybe even now think that they escaped to Serbia, but they are dead. He added that he killed most of them with the wooden stick in head, and than took the bodies on Velebit and threw the bodies into the ditches or left on the ground covering with pine branches. Pine branches neutralize smells and worms eat body very quickly, so in very short time there are left only bones.He said he was working smartly and he was not a fool like Buso (Busljeta), who threw bodies near road, as he threw those two bodies on Takalica.He says that his health is in bad condition, he can’t sleep and that he takes every day big amount of tablets. He often becomes very agressive and iritated, and several times every day he thinks of suicide. Not rarely,on moments,he loses memory, and he can’t remember anything.

He feels bittered on invalide commission from Rijeka, which refused his demand for acknowledging of disability, with explanation that his diagnosis of PTS (Post Traumatical Sindrom) is not result of the war.

He also spoke very negatively about Ivan Tomljenovic, former deputy of chief of Lika senj police station,whom he believed the most, till recently. He said that before the war Tomljenovic had one pair of horses and nothing else, and he became rich in the war so much that he owned several houses on the shore, several firms, several apartments and shops in Zagreb, factory for meat processing and so on, and all that thanks to his cousin who worked in MUP.

He remembered that he with his formation, once in 1991., on Baske Ostarije fel into mine fields, into trip mines, which were placed by Tomljenovic, and added that he was no good Croat and that he always cooperated with Serbs.

Later he said that he was placing different kinds of mines on different places and in different ways, but he has never been placing mines under cars and that he would research that then, how to put mine on the best way under a car, to explode when a car starts. On question why he needs that, he said that you can never know.

Car of Milan Levar, under which the bomb exploded, while he was repairing it (in his mother’s backyard 28. August 2000).

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Gotovina – Full cooperation

Sunday, April 17th, 2005
Karamarko and Perkovic are selling horn for the candle
(on Croatian – 45 lines – Karamarko i Perković prodaju muda pod bubrege)

Barbaso: Full cooperation arrest or proof that all about Gotovina is done.

European Council, reminded Barbaso, in December of last year concluded that Croatia fullfil all political criterias, except one opened question, and that is surrender of general Gotovina.
EU, as Barbaso said, was very clear about question of general Gotovina and about what full cooperation between Zagreb and Haag means.
Full cooperation means that Gotovina must be located and transfered to Haag, or in second case, Croatian autoroties must give prooves that they have done all in their power to arrest Gotovina, he continued.

New Mesic’s advisors team. On left to right: Zeljko Mataija (sport), Boro Vuckovic, (social and humanitarian relations), Sinisa Tatalovic (political system), Budimir Loncar, (intarnational relations) President Stjepan Mesic, Vlatko Cvrtila (defence), Izet Aganovic (science), Tomislav Jakic (external politics), and Sasa Perkovic (national security)
What sort of discovery is that Ante Gotovina in 2001. escaped with passport stolen in Mostar, issued in Zagreb?!

If that and name of person who gave him the stolen passport, and person from the police who to Nacional and Hrvatski list dealed Karamarko’s official letter about measures which to POA are suggested from MI6 to catch Ante Gotovina, will be the only results of effort of Croatian safety services and police in contraction the circle around Ante Gotovina, we will get a kick in the bottom from Carla Del Ponte and from EU, and Americans will give us a nice tap on the shoulders, that we will choke up.

Sources close to Sasa Perkovic and Tomislav Karamarko say that POA didn’t even put criminal charge against Franjo Turek for interference of work of ICTY. Supposedlly, against that was Ivan Jarnjak, and Vlatko Cvrtila didn’t look benevolently on possibility that his Francek from Zagorje (area in Croatia, near Zagreb) get some penal servitude.

By that is anyway opened the space for Carla Del Ponte to ask from Croatia delivering of Franjo Turek based on charge for interference of work of ICTY, and she would ask Turek who ordered him from the government to interference Haag’s investigators, what wouldn’t make happy President Stjepan Mesic.

Carla’s apettites will supposedly tried to be satisfied with criminal charge against Markica Rebic, Stipan Udiljak, Ivan Brzovic and others because of helping in hiding Ahmic’s four and Ivica Rajic.

That announced before recent journalist texts in Feral and Jutarnji list President Mesic himself, claiming that collected informations about those who hide Ahmic’s and Ivica Rajic, and whose behaviour was foothold in attitude for Carla Del Ponte that in the same time even today secret services are helping Gotovina.

So, Mesic’s services Karamarko and Perkovic, will put all the blame for opstruction of Haag’s investigations on Rebic’s people,as they are trying to weak one of the holes in net of Gotovina’s helpers. (Mesic’s statement in media – on Croatian)

It would be significant to Europe when in the same time would be given prooves
that Gotovina is not moving in direction of Sibenik’s area, Udbina, Grahovo,Glamoc…

And maybe it will, because, there also Mesic is claiming that Antisa (Ante Gotovina) is not in Croatia or in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Neverthless, the story about passports is very thin and about that it was known who stole it and who gave one to Ante Gotovina so he can temporarily escape from the country. ( Some wrote to Italy, some said in Canada)

In time of stealing Mostar’s passports (it is not known for sure did the passports were physicaly in Mostar or Zagreb) chief of VII administration for safety in ministry of foraign affaires was Sasa Perkovic, present Mesic’s advisor for national security.

He supposed to, by his authorisation, be on the head of investigation of stolen passports and have the most accurate informations possible.

Later he was assistant of chief of OA, Damir Loncaric, (Karamarko’s friend from Zagreb police).

That function helped Sasa Perkovic to have bigger insight in safety problems across Croatian border, especialy in B and H and Serbia.

Considering that he was involved in HIS’s operation Barakuda Sasa Perkovic was in opportunity to have insight in secret ways of international organised crime.

So again, he didn’t distinguish himself in search for Gotovina. It was not possible to hear that he tried to report his knowledgments to anyone about Mostar’s passport, with which Gotovina supposedlly left Croatia.

American partners, who in former HIS, donated one million dollars for modernization technics and technologies, are wondering what Perkovic knows about that money, and what he says about information of his operative worker I.I. that Gotovina in June 2003. was hiding in Ram Franciscian convent Scit, because of which American ambassador in Sarajevo had to protect Scit’s monastery superior.

I’m afraid that medias, spies and politicians didn’t learn well lessons from recent history, that promiscuite erotic circles among them dangerous for freedom of medias and for general democratic picture of society. It is possible that so desired, hated Europe, exactly in that sense respond on little application for date of negotiations.

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Freedom guaranteed by Constitution

Sunday, April 17th, 2005
Croatian Parliament
Trg Svetog Marka 4
10 000 Zagreb
Committee for human rights and rights of national miorities
President of Committee dr. sc. Furio RadinApplication
Dear Sir,
At the end of last year you noticed me, in the name of above named Committe, that you in my
Memorandum, (about acting of POA), and its additions, sent forward to Council for supervision of safety services and to Committee for national security Office.
I personally informed you that written notification from the Committee, at the end of 2004., when chief of POA already was Tomislav Karamarko, came on my address already opened.
I doubted that POA opened it.

dr. sc. Furio Radin

As you know from medias, in meanwhile, Parliamentary Committee for internal politics and national security and Council for civilian supervision of safety services, investigated quotations from mutual Memorandum of five journalists about treatment of POA.

Based on that investigation, Committee for internal politics and national security have brought 4 conclusions, which partly answers the questions from our mutual Memorandum. Not from the Committee nor from the Council I didn’t get answers on questions from my personal Memorandum. Based on conclusion nr. 3, from Committee for internal politics and national security, in which is, among other, said:

So there is justified doubt that quoating persons who wrote Memorandum (Gordan Malic, Ivica Djikic, Ivanka Toma, Zeljko Peratovic and Marijo Kavain) in Presentation, without any reason, violated their human rights and freedom, guaranteed by Constitution, ( article 38, paragraph 1.,2. and 3 of Constitution of Croatia) because from the collected informations can’t be justified the title and thesis given in Information about intelligence-media manipulations, with goal of discreditation of Croatia and that named journalists, in that sense, participated in actions which would endangered national security;

I will hand over to authorised State attorney suggestion of settlement for allowance for nonmaterial damage which it brought them. If State attorney replies on the suggestion negatively, I will give to the authorised court the sue against Croatia, because of quoted violation of human rights.
Doesn’t matter what Committee for internal politics and national security brought conclusion like that, my journalists rights are still violating, because in newspaper I’m working in Vjesnik, which is formaly owned by government of Croatia, is not possible to write about themes about which I write: intelligence services, organised crime and war crimes. So, I’m almost disabled any writing.
I would remind titled Committee that one of the freedoms which should be respected in countries which applicated for membership in EU, is freedom of speech, that is freedom of informing. So, I’m keeping my right to inform about violating of this freedom, authorised bodies of European institutions, if the relation of management and editorial office of Vjesnik, which are on functions only by will of government of Croatia, remains the same towards me.
I ask this Committee for to investigate the quotations from the Memorandum which I have sent and on which I didn’t get any answers by mentioned conclusions of Committee for internal politics and national security.
The Committee for internal politics and national security says that POA didn’t apply measures of secret collecting of informations, in my case, during 2004. As the control of mail deliveries also is in measures of secret collecting of informations, and I had doubt that POA opened the letter to your Committee, sent at the end of last year, by which I think my privacy of communication is violated, please to especially request from Council for national security Office to manifest about that.
The Committee for internal politics and national security and Council for supervision of safety services didn’t reply on question from our mutual Memorandum, have over us five journalists, been used measures of secret collecting of informations during 2003.
I have sent to the titled Committee Information about background of some journalists’ texts about Gotovina case, dated 16th October 2003., signed by former chief of POA, Franjo Turek, in which is also analysed one of my texts about possible movment of runaway general Gotovina. So, right before Presentation to state top, which the investigation of Committee for internal politics and national security was dealing with, POA characterized my writings as a fruit of influence of domestic intelligence underground and ICTY, which motives was disruption of internal stability of Croatia and its internal position, so endangering national safety. The information ends with note to users: President of Croatia, Stjepan Mesic, secretary of President’s Office, Zeljko Bagic, President’s advisor for national security, Imra Agotic, Premier Ivica Racan, member of government, Goran Granic, main state attorney, Mladen Bajic and President of Parliamentary Committee for internal politics and national security, Ante Markov, that are: That actions and influences of all groups, the subject of further research of POA, and that named ones about collected informations, will be regularlly informed.
Connected with that, can be concluded, that in that time (2003.) I was subject of operative research of POA, which, besides measures of secret collecting of informations, including also collecting informations from citizens and research through registers and data basis.
As some persons, with whom I conntacted at that time, by phone or personaly, were under pressures (Dragutin Franciskovic was publicliy marked as chief of intelligence underground which disinforms Carla Del Ponte about Gotovina and Mario Barisic from Sibenik was threatened with dead), with reason I doubt that POA with that secret collecting of informations supervised my communication with mentioned ones, and put them through mentioned discomforts.
Further, I’m convinced that informations that POA got about me, and for which gethering is not needed approval of Supreme court, but only descision of chief of POA: talks with citizens, insight in registres and data bases, are put in my personal file (collections and registers of personal datas and other records of collected datas and documentes with informations, article 22.paragraph 1. of Safety services law).
Article 23. paragraph 1. of the same Law says that services (POA) must, on request of citizen inform him whether over him are taken measures of collecting of informations, and if in services are records about his personal datas and on his request give him insight in documents about collected informations.
In connection with above, I didn’t turn to POA, but I wanted to consume that right through the Council for civilian supervision of safety services, the Committee for internal politics and national security, public attorney of Croatia and titled Committee, but it was not made possible to me still.
So I request from this Committee to ask from Council for national security Office and from chief of POA, insight in records and registers of personal datas, because I’m convinced that datas and documents which are collected about me by operative research and processings of POA are misusing and that are not destroyed, as it says in article 24. paragraph 1., 2. and 3. of Secret services Law.
If that right is not going to be enabled to me, I will consider that POA is using article 23. of Secret service Law, paragraphs 2. and 3., and what is in contradiction with quoted conclusion 3., of Committee for internal politics and national security, that is not prooven to me disinformationing of public in Gotovina case, that is, that I wasn’t endangering national security. In that case I will ask for Court’s protection against POA.I please once again for urgent actions, and to inform me in soonest time about possible taken actions of titled Committee.
Best regards,
Journalist

Zeljko Peratovic

In Zagreb, 12. april 2005

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Death of Milan Levar

Wednesday, April 13th, 2005
Fokus, 1st September 2000.
The Levar case
Our reporter called Milan Levar by phone, directly before his murder. This thriling portrait is written by his friend and good connoisseur of dark games in Croatian hall of Haag.
The testimony about killed friend
The last conversation with Mico

When on Monday, 28 August, around 17 o’clock, called a colleague and a friend from Novi list, Robert Frank, asked me if I could check an anonymous information, which arrived in his office, that Milan Levar commited suicide, I told him that I don’t have time for wasting on nonsenses. I talked with Mico by phone that day around noon and he sounded to me livelier than ever. He made a comment on newspaper appearance of Mile Kosovic, former commander of homeguard battalion from Gospic, who with general Rahim Ademi was Pedro of action Medacki dzep (Medack Pocket). Levar was thrilled by the fact that Kosovic began to talk, althought he said the hundredth part of the truth. He made a comment:

The relations are breaking among those who are responsible for that Croatian disgrace. Kosovic didn’t speak directly about war crimes that are commited in the action, but it can be seen that he didn’t start to talk for no reason. He is afraid for himself and calls by name general Norac and Susak’s double line of commanding of HV (Croatian army), and that’s something. There, at least Levar is not alone who is ready to talk about that things.

Mico warned me than about the difficult situation in which was sister of Zdenko Ropac, one of ICTY’s witnesses in Gospic case, who was, supposedly, under constant threats because of brother’s betrayal, she looked for temporarily shelter in psychiatric clinic. You don’t have to write about that, but it’s good that you know it, he said to me. He complained about one former politician from Lika, who always calculates something, and about crimes in Gospic, he is ready to talk only when he is directly endangered, but you have to know, he is also responsible for certain crimes which took place in Lika. He announced our soon meeting and told me from whom I should look for certain documents about happenings in action Medacki dzep. He also told me that he would call me in the evening, because he had some job in workshop.He thought he was indestructible

But, as Mico Levar was a person who loved black humour, at the end I finally decided to call him and ask him was it true that he made suicide.

There was no answer on his phone or on several mobiles he owned. That worried me a bit, but I thought that was possible that he went on some trip with his family, wife Vesna and son Leon, what was regular. Maybe they went to Karlobag for a swim.

I called one mutual acquaintance, former high-positioned person in headquarter of HV, and throuhg the joke I asked him if he heard a roumor that Levar killed himself. The answer astonished me: He didn’t kill himself, but he is dead. His wife Vesna called me and told me that a little while ago. He suffered adversity from the explosion in his workshop….

In shock I passed the information to Frank in Rijeka. It was all clear to me and I didn’t doubt that he died in assassination, although soon came to me informations that he got hurt from incautious handling with gas bottle.

Than in panic one Levar’s friend from war called me, the employee of one Croatian secret services: He is killed!I told him a few days ago that his liquidation was seriously preparing and that he should stop appearing in public. He went too far. He thought he was indestructible. He didn’t listen to me!

The secret agent, as a broken record, was repeating that he said to Mico to give up useless work. I hardly in a polite way ended the conversation.

ICTY’s witness

Levar lived with conscience that he would be stopped with murder. But how and why could happen something like that after 3th January, which he was looking forward to as a little baby, saying that legal state knocked on Croatia’s door and that we didn’t need ICTY then. We will be able to bring to court our criminals in our democratic and legal country…, he told me happilly during short meeting after he, as a Mesic’s home friend , was on his president inauguration.Milan Levar since 1992. till today has given about hundred interviews to domestic and foreign medias, and since 1997. he has talket to ICTY about crimes which took place in Gospic in 1991. He was a victim of several assassination attempts, his born house was under fire, in which was his mother Katica and in the yard, in which he lost his life then. They also tried to poison him, and since then hi didn’t drink coffee with sugar. He had an artificial sweetner in hi pocket.Before the war, he participated in almost every fight in Gospic. From Airforce Academy in Mostar he was thrown out because in the age of 15, he attacked one captain, who offended his Croatian national pride.From the war he was remembered as a tough fighter. He fought on the first line of defense of Gospić, together with 30 people who in summer 1991., as interventionist platoon of Pajo Simic, holded the first lines towards Licki Osik.

He was facing death too often, so his black humour was hard to understand for people with sensitive stomach. Laughing, he was telling me about gravediggers who were carring on their backs half-rotten bodies of war crime victims, and worms of crisps size, so called crispies, were crawling on gravediggers’ back.

He told me that he left army when he got verified warrant to kill civilians. I didn’t enter the war to kill grandmothers, like these who in blood and money compensate their Croatian spirit, was the sentence which became his favourite saying.

Mico and redeemers of UDBA’s past

He hadn’t been drinking alcohol for 15 years, since his father died. Only coffee and mineral water. You could talk to him for hours and watch him drinking those beverages. Those who didn’t like him saw in that the sign that he was not normal. One former HDZ politician, last winter, drinking his tenth beer, was persuading me that Milan Levar was not a real man, because real man don’t drink mineral water and who can endure that for hours, besides his physical health, his mental health must be damaged.One day before his death, I was on the terrace of hotel Dubrovnik in Zagreb and talked about case Medacki dzep with two men from Lika, one secret agent and one former high-positioned HDZ functionary, and both of them started to convince me that Milan Levar was mentaly insane. Why can’t he keep his mouth shut for once? The world is based on agreements. Why doesn’t he except what is offered to him? He could live nicely for a long time now, if he was smart. He thinks he is Jesus?! Nothing could be prooved only with his words, the papers are needed! There are lots of different bones on Lika’s area, even from the time of Turks, over some massive graves are woods!I knew from before that his until recent allies are turning their backs, and everything that his internal enemies were talking about him, I accepted as someone wishes me a good day. Not particularlly surprised by words of those two men from Lika, I passed him one part of their words. He was not surprised.He sent them to hell, concluding that all of them want to redeem their bad UDBA’s past, and they are not much better from those who made and ordered crimes. They talk about crimes only because of their personal benefit or personal pay offs. Poor is Croatia if people like them will be participating in government.

His friends turned their backs also

Several times, when he got mad on some of his allies, he confided to me who from former Croatian state or military top, were witness in ICTY secretly, to save their own skin. And added: I do everything publicly and I don’t trade with someone’s misery, like many fake protectors of human rights. His friends often turned their backs on him, because they couldn’t stand his uncompromisingness and persistence.He got on the wrong side with ICTY and those public persons who, from Croatia conntacted closely with prosecution authoroties in Haag. After he, with two defenders of Gospic, Zdenko Ropac and Zdenko Bando, in 1997. gave testimony in ICTY and then they couldn’t make agreement about status of protected ICTY’s witnesses, they gave a press conference and attacked ICTY because of inefficacy.Ropac, Bando and Levar’s bestman, inspector in police from Gospic, Tomislav Oreskovic, anyway later went to Germany, with some alleged guarantees of ICTY, and Levar stayed to talk about Gospic. I met him that way at the beginning of last year, when he called me offering new witnesses and war crime stories in Lika, because he had a hunch that case ICTY Gospić were standing on deadlock.

Based on those several texts which I published last year, former state attorney, Berislav Zivkovic, started an investigation. When he was retriving from his job last summer, he boasted with that, because under them State attorney reacted even on newspapers titles.

Nevertheless, Milan Levar, was not called on informative conversation to tell them what he knew, not in that investigation, nor later, in April, when ICTY’s investigators started to dig on Gospic area.

Opponents were afraid of him. They were afraid of his physical strenght, agility and determination. He didn’t wear his gun for selfdefence, only unfolding knife. They have right to soot me only once. If they miss, they know what is waiting for them, he told me once, without blinking. By lots of things he had impulssive temper, but he knew that he had to avoid accidental witchcraft on the street or cafe, so he didn’t put himself in situation to kill somebody or to be killed in some shooting which would be shown as one in the coffeehouse.

They stopped him anyway

He called me last summer, shouting that a woman slapped him on the street. I calmed him down, so he continued: I just drove to my mother’s house, when a tiny woman got out of the car with Zagreb registration and asked me if I’m Milan Levar. I asked her what did she want. She rushed into me and slapped me, shouting that she was wife of Tihomir Oreskovic, and that I ruined her family with my jabbering. I couldn’t believe that Tiho was such a coward and incited his wife on me. I called you, because I don’t want to search through cafes and make some nonsense, and make all this that I said to fall into water.

Tihomir Oreković s lisičinama na rukama
Tihomir Oreskovic

Lots of people think that Milan Levar is a betrayer and indulge with his death. If I’m a betrayer, and former Yugoslavs from Gospic, comunists and Serbs, who changed names and surnames, bigger Croats than I am, so be it. But I will never give up the intention to wipe out the name of my Croatian people, and to accuse certain persons from Croatia for crimes, but also the members of foreign secret services, who are responsible for deaths of about hundred of my fellow-citizen Serbs, but also Croats. If I’m a betrayer because I don’t want to my whole nation in next 50 years be named as genocidal, so be it. In attention the whole truth to be known about what was happening here, won’t stop me ICTY, nor Washington, or Moscow, and not to mention some of local cowards and jerks, whose intelligence is on room temperature level!

Some of people, thought that Levar was trained secret agent and saw in that basics and motives of everything he was doing. On that accusations he didn’t consider. He only added: What kind of secret agent am I, when I hate secrets. I would prohibit by law all secrets.

If in Gospic, on Monday was killed anybody else, Milan Levar would make effort to make clear how he was killed, who killed him and who ordered the murder.

Mico, I’m still waiting for your call.

frame 1How the police guarded LevarDuring antihaag demonstrations in Gospic, Dubravko Novak, new chief of police administration of Licko-senjska, sent several policemen to Levar’s apartment to protect his family, while the crowd on the street were shouting against Ustasha.

Milan wanted to come out and talk with those who called his name as a betrayer, and the policemen asked him not to do that, because they will lose their job. In that moment, his son Leon called and asked that ma or pa come to pick him up from school. The school ended, and he couldn’t break through alone to the house. Vesna Levar took the car keys, but the policemen stopped her, claiming that they have strict order that nobody can leave the apartment and that they were there to take care for security of Milan and Vesna Levar. The woman asked them, surprisinglly, were they aware what they were talking, because her son’s safety was endangered, but the policemen were persistent that nobody can leave the apartment, not even the police. Than Milan Levar got mad and in his style, demonstrated the usage of media in useful purposes. He asked the journalists of Slovenian national television to record his phone call with the chief of police, Novak, to whom he sweared lots of things and threated that he would beat his policemen if they didn’t let his wife to get their son.

frame 2

Fokus, 11th August 2000.

Group portrait with corpse

ICTY has photos of Bobetko and Krpina in Medacki dzep

In big tumult around alleged ICTY investigation against general Petar Stipetic, when the responsibility for alleged war crimes in action Medak pocket in 1993., was mentioned, almost unnoticed went the information of Slobodna Dalmacija that in Haag were photos of general Janko Bobetko and brigadier Drago Krpina. Two of them, supposedly, were on photos next to about ten corps of Serbian civilians and rebels in Medacki dzep. Slobodna is speculating that the photo is enough for starting ICTY investigation.Drago Krpina, in critical times, the chief of IPD service of Ministry of defense, and today HDZ Parliament member, didn’t want to comment the text in Slobodna. He shouted at journalists, claiming that those were nonsense. Fokus couldn’t come to general Bobetko, also.Milan Levar, to the public known as a ICTY witness in case Gospic, confirmed to Fokus the existance of that photograph.

- Investigators of ICTY have shown us some other photos, which showed that after military action Medak pocket, there was cleaning of the area from houses and people.

* Do you know how the photo with Bobetko and Krpina appear?

- After the Unprofor, because of commited crimes, protested with Croatian
government, on the field the Parliamentary commission stepped out, who were led by Luka Bebic, at that time, president of Parliamentary committee for internal politics and national security. In the commission were general Bobetko, brigadier Krpina, Perica Juric and others. I don’t know who took pictures of them with corps, but the fact is that the photos exist. I know reliably that similar photos came to president of Parliament and todays president Mesic.

* What did Bebic’s commission do?

- It was seen that the crime is impossible to cover so the responsibility was thrown on other people. Instead of Mirko Norac, as sacrifising goats were good Mile Kosovic, whom Susak in a hurry named as a commander of 118. Brigade, and then, because of suspicion of violating Geneva convenction in Medacki dzep, retired, and todays general Rahim Ademi, who is also retired.

* Who is really responsible for Medak pocket?

- It is not on me to judge that. I can only say that about crimes in Medak pocket were informed all state structures at that time, and there are evidences for that. Who will be accused, who will only testify will ICTY decide.

Zeljko Peratovic
Tudjman In Gospic
Franjo Tudjman, Mirko Norac and Gojko Susak

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Kroati, Tribunaal, Europese Unie

Saturday, April 9th, 2005
Brussels, 16-10-2004, De Morgen, pagina 22

Eerst was er de genocide, toen de moord op die ene soldaat die erover sprak
In de herfst van 1991 verdwenen in drie dagen tijd 140 burgers uit het kleine Kroatische stadje Gospic. Soldaat Milan Levar, de enige inwoner die durfde te praten over wat zijn medestanders hadden gedaan, werd vier jaar geleden vermoord na een tussenkomst van een Belgische wapenhandelaar. Levars moordenaar leeft intussen ongestoord op enkele honderden meters van ’s mans weduwe. Peter Dupont bericht over zijn bezoek aan dat kleine Kroatische stadje.Kroati wil tegen 2007 lid worden van de Europese Unie. Toeristen worden massaal naar de Dalmatische kusten gelokt, maar er is niet veel nodig om de zwarte onderstroom te voelen van een land dat nooit echt in het reine kwam met de Tweede Wereldoorlog, en zeker niet de Joegoslavische, vijftig jaar later.

Gospic, een stadje van 6.000 inwoners, 60 kilometer van de Adriatische kust en drie uur rijden van Zagreb. Dit is de hoofdstad van de mooie provincie Lika, ingeklemd tussen de prachtige meren van Plitvice en de Adriatische Zee. Op 28 augustus 2000 weerklinkt hier rond 16 uur een explosie. De inwoners weten meteen wat er is gebeurd. De knal heeft zich voorgedaan in de tuin van automonteur Milan Levar. Hij sterft voor de ogen van zijn tienjarige zoon.

De gevraagde politiebescherming voor Levar is nergens te bespeuren, maar als zijn vrouw Vesna vijf minuten later arriveert, wemelt het al van de politieagenten. Alsof ze getipt zijn. De politie verspreidt eerst het gerucht dat het om een zelfmoordpoging gaat, wat later dat er een gasfles ontploft zou zijn. Uiteindelijk geeft ze toe dat Levar vermoord is door een bom.

Heel wat inwoners van Gospic knikten tevreden: zijn verdiende loon. Toch n verrader minder.

Etnische zuivering

Even terug naar 25 juni 1991. Kroati scheurt zich los van Joegoslavi, dat door een burgeroorlog aan het verkruimelen is als koek. Probleem: heel wat burgers zijn Servische Kroaten. De regio’s waar zij in de meerderheid zijn, willen geen onderdeel worden van het nieuwe Kroati. Servische milities boren zich, gesteund door het Joegoslavische leger, door het land. Voor de onafhankelijkheid van hun regio’s en voor de uitbouw van een groter Servi.

In de herfst van 1992 nadert de frontlinie het 10.000 zielen tellende Gospic. Servische milities zijn vlakbij. De burgers proberen met oude geweren hun have en goed te verdedigen. Het merendeel van de Servirs in Gospic, 30 procent van de bevolking, heeft het stadje echter al verlaten richting Knin, de hoofdstad van het gebied van de opstandige Servirs. De Servirs die blijven, beschouwen zich als Kroatische burgers en wachten met de anderen in de schuilkelders tot de Servische kanonnen zwijgen.
Een van de manhaftige verdedigers van Gospic is Milan Levar, commandant bij een verkenningseenheid. Hij is een Kroaat in hart en nieren. In zijn studententijd werd hij meer dan eens van school gestuurd omdat hij zich wat te fel profileerde als Kroatische nationalist. Eerst van een gymnasium in Mostar, later van een industrile school in Gospic.De strijd tegen de Servirs lokt al snel huurlingen en Kroatische immigranten die in hun thuisland nog wat rekeningen te vereffenen hebben. Wanneer vanuit Zagreb twee mannen worden gestuurd die de verdediging van Gospic moeten organiseren, ziet Levar hoe het misloopt. De twee zijn Tihomir Oreskovic, die net uit de VS is overgevlogen, en Mirko Norac. Zij doen iets meer dan de stad verdedigen tegen de Servirs. Ze sporen op grond van de lijsten van het gemeentebestuur de namen van Servische inwoners op. Wat volgt, tussen 16 en 18 oktober, is de eerste etnische zuivering in ex-Joegoslavi.

Jong en oud, ongeveer 100 Servirs in totaal, worden door gemaskerde leden van de militaire politie op trucks geladen en even buiten het stadje koudweg gexecuteerd. Ook 40 Kroaten, lastige getuigen, moeten eraan geloven. De 140 lijken worden begraven op plaatselijke kerkhoven, verborgen in bossen, in ravijnen geworpen of gewoon op de plaats van executie achtergelaten. Sommige lijken worden begraven in Servisch gebied om de schuld in de schoenen van de vijand te schuiven. De huizen van de slachtoffers worden geplunderd en in brand gestoken. En bijna heel Gospic doet mee. Er zijn tot vandaag weinig Kroatische gezinnen in deze stad die geen televisietoestel, meubelstuk of een auto van een vergeten Servische buur hebben staan.

Samen met twee andere militairen, Zdenko Ropac en Zdenko Bando, brengt Levar de regering in Zagreb op de hoogte van de slachting en de gruwelijkheden van de militaire politie in Gospic. Hij heeft genoeg gezien. Zelf is hij door Oreskovic gedwongen om getuige te zijn van de executie van een burger die gewurgd werd met een telefoonsnoer.

Aanvankelijk zijn vooral rijke Servirs en intellectuelen het doelwit van de etnische tornado, maar al snel gaat iedereen met de verkeerde achtergrond of met een kritische stem eraan. De 53-jarige verpleegkundige Dusanka Vranes bijvoorbeeld sterft nadat ze enkele dagen wordt gemarteld. Ze wordt gevonden zonder benen, met drie kogels in de borst en n in het hoofd. Met een bijl in het gezicht en in de borst geslagen. Andere burgers worden gedood met hamers, afgemaakt met messen zoals rechter Branko Stulic (54) of bewerkt met vuur zoals postambtenaar Radovan Barac.

Niet lang na de slachting arriveert een onderzoeker uit Zagreb, een maand later een tweede. De officile rapporten brengen de regering en president Tudjman tot in de puntjes op de hoogte. Oreskovic en een handvol anderen worden ook gearresteerd maar na een interventie van defensieminister Gojko Susak weer vrijgelaten. Onder druk van 100.000 oorlogsveteranen die de straat opkomen en om muiterij in het Kroatische leger vermijden. Eendracht maakt macht.

Niemand wil de zaak ten gronde onderzoeken. Tudjman spreekt van “een strijd op dood en leven in Gospic die is aangestoken door Servische extremisten” en van “provocateurs die de Kroatische regering in verlegenheid willen brengen”. Tudjman bezoekt zelfs het stadje einde november 1991. Het enige gevolg is dat Oreskovic naar het ministerie van Defensie in Zagreb verhuist en Mirko Norac als militaire bevelhebber in de provincie Lika vervangen wordt. Een ontgoochelde Levar neemt ontslag uit de militie.

En zo wordt het stil rond Gospic. Maar als Tihomir Oreskovic in 1996 een gooi naar het burgemeesterschap van een naburig stadje besluit te doen, is voor Milan Levar de maat vol. Hij besluit publiek te gaan met wat hij weet. Eenvoudig is dat niet. Uitgevers en journalisten worden gentimideerd. De kring rond Oreskovic ontkent alles. De hele zaak lijkt weg te zinken in de vergetelheid. En dus besluit Levar samen met enkele anderen makkers van weleer te gaan getuigen voor het Joegoslavi-Tribunaal in Den Haag.

Den Haag is traag

Voor we naar Gospic rijden, pikken we in Zagreb Zeljko Peratovic op, journalist van de krant Vjesnik. Voor zijn onthullende artikelen over de gebeurtenissen in Gospic heeft hij de Oostenrijkse vredesprijs gekregen. In Kroati wordt zijn werk minder geapprecieerd. Zijn vorige werknemer, het tijdschrift Globus, zette hem aan de deur. Peratovic werd geregeld lastiggevallen door de Kroatische geheime dienst. Op veel sympathie bij de gewone burger hoeft hij ook al niet te rekenen. Heel wat Kroaten beschouwen hem als een verrader, nog n. De voormalige chef van de Kroatische inlichtingendienst duwde hem ooit een blaffer onder de neus met niet mis te verstane dreigementen. Het is afwachten hoe men op zijn boek Held of verrader zal reageren.

‘Milan Levar werd drie keer in Den Haag uitgenodigd”, vertelt Zeljko Peratovic (36). “Dankzij hem wisten de onderzoekers van de VN de exacte locatie van een massagraf in de buurt van Gospic te vinden. Omdat Levar zijn beschuldigingen echter in de Kroatische pers bleef uiten, verzuurden de relaties met het Tribunaal snel. Levar spaarde ook zijn kritiek op het Tribunaal niet. Hij was ontgoocheld in zijn traagheid van handelen. Dat liet de schuldigen toe bewijzen van de etnische zuivering te doen verdwijnen. Hij vond ook dat er te weinig interesse was voor sommige betrokkenen bij de slachting.

Den Haag had bijvoorbeeld geen enkele interesse voor de rol van ex-defensieminister Gojko Susak, wellicht omdat die beschermd werd door de Amerikanen. Susak (die het na de burgeroorlog in Canada tot rijke pizzaboer schopte, maar inmiddels overleed) was een persoonlijke vriend van de vroegere Amerikaanse defensieminister William Perry. Levar en anderen beschuldigden Susak ervan gevangengenomen burgervrouwen te hebben verkracht. Volgens een getuige speelde hij kaart tussen de lijken die verspreid lagen in het militaire hoofdkwartier in Gospic. Den Haag had er geen oren naar.” Peratovic raakte in de loop der jaren goed bevriend met Milan Levar. Als journalist had hij veel respect voor die ene Kroatische soldaat die de stilte wou doorbreken. Zijn laatste gesprek met Levar had hij op de dag van de moord. Dat was kort voor Levar zou gaan getuigen tegen de ‘Vijf van Gospic’, het vijftal dat na de dood van Levar van oorlogsmisdaden in en rond het stadje zou worden beschuldigd. Drie ervan werden in maart 2003, na een proces van bijna twee jaar, ook veroordeeld. Op basis van onder andere de getuigenissen van Levar en de vermoorde Nederlandse huursoldaat Johan Tilder kreeg Norac twaalf jaar cel en Oreskovic vijftien jaar. (Twee andere beschuldigden werden vrijgesproken.)

Johanes Tilder The First Dutch Volunteers Unit Gospic, Croatia, January 1992
Johan Tilder, third from the right

“Een van mijn contacten, een vriend van Levar, vertelde me twee dagen voor de moord dat ze van plan waren om Milan te elimineren en dat hij moest stoppen met zijn ‘wilde’ verhalen”, blikt Peratovic terug. “Enkele uren voor zijn dood zei Milan me nieuwe informatie te hebben over de etnische zuivering in vijf Servische dorpen in de Medak-enclave in 1993, waar de Kroaten 29 Servische inwoners vermoordden en elf Servische dorpjes met de grond gelijkmaakten.”Milan Levar was de belangrijkste, maar niet de enige getuige, zegt Peratovic. “Fatima Skula, de secretaresse van Oreskovic, vertelde me dat de man minderjarige meisjes vasthield voor seksueel vertier. Ze zag hoe burgers in het crisishoofdkwartier van Oreskovic en zijn mannen zonder meer afgemaakt werden. Getuigd voor de rechtbank heeft ze nooit. Na een interview in Globus werd ze in elkaar geslagen.”

“Een andere getuige was Ibrahim Suljkanovic, een Kroatische moslim die ik via Milan Levar leerde kennen. Hij zag meerdere moorden op burgers. Vorig jaar werden zes van die slachtoffers opgegraven. Veel mensen durfden en durven nog steeds niet rechtuit te praten, uit angst voor represailles. Milan Levar was hun spreekbuis. Via hem bereikten anders verborgen gebleven getuigenissen en documenten de media.”

De bommenman bekende

De journalist heeft een ontmoeting geregeld met Vesna Levar in Gospic. De weg van Zagreb naar het stadje rijdt al een stuk vrolijker dan enkele jaren geleden. Varkens draaien aan het spit, kinderen rennen de scholen uit. Veel sporen van de oorlog zijn weggewerkt. Sommige runes van uitgebrande huizen staan er nog. De weduwe komt ons met haar autootje oppikken voor een tankstation aan de rand van het morsige stadje. Zo kan iedereen zien dat er nog steeds buitenlandse interesse is in de zaak van haar man. En gekeken wordt er. Terwijl we het kleine appartementje van Vesna en haar 14-jarige zoon Leon binnenstappen, volgen tientallen ogen ons van achter de gordijnen.

“Het gaat nu al wat beter”, relativeert Vesna de verhalen als zouden zij en haar zoon tot vandaag door vele mensen in Gospic worden gemeden als lepralijders. Alleen haar buurvrouw leent haar wel eens een schouder om op uit te huilen. Haar zoon Leon echter is de held van zijn klas. Omdat hij een beroemde vader heeft, zeker, maar ook omdat hij erg handig is met de computer. Zijn cd-romhandeltje brengt heel wat kuna’s in het laatje.

Waarom de familie nooit de stad of het land verlaten heeft? “Milan was daar heel koppig in”, zegt Vesna. “Hij zei dat een land niet verder kon zonder geconfronteerd te worden met zijn eigen gruwelijkheden en de verantwoordelijken te straffen. Vreemd genoeg was hij een van de weinigen aan Kroatische kant die dat gedurfd hebben. Aan Servische kant is er nooit iemand opgestaan.”

Zij en haar kind moeten altijd hun doen en laten rapporteren bij de politie. Om aanslagen te vermijden. Een bezoek aan het graf van haar man op het plaatselijke kerkhof impliceert dat de buurt eerst moet worden uitgekamd op explosieven. “Maar er is ook goed nieuws”, zegt de vrouw des huizes. “De Kroatische regering heeft deze week toegegeven dat ze verantwoordelijk is voor de dood van mijn man. Het Tribunaal in Den Haag had de regering gevraagd om Milan te beschermen. Blijkbaar is dat nooit helemaal duidelijk gemaakt aan de politie in deze regio. Of heeft die dat niet willen horen. Milan wist wel dat het leven in Gospic na zijn getuigenissen erg zou worden. Maar hij dacht dat het elders nog onveiliger zou zijn.”

Zelf heeft Vesna weinig gezien van de drie dagen etnische zuivering in Gospic. “Toen ik na enkele dagen aan de zee terugkwam, waren heel wat mensen verdwenen. Ook mijn collega op het weerstation. Toen mijn man dat vernam, barstte hij in woede uit: ‘Waarom net die brave man! Waarom zijn vrouw en dochter? Ze deden geen vlieg kwaad.’ Toen wist ik wat er gebeurd was. Mijn collega hebben ze iets later dood gevonden buiten Gospic, de lijken van zijn vrouw en kind hadden ze verstopt op Servisch grondgebied.”

Hallucinant maar waar: de man die meer dan vermoedelijk de bom in de tuin van Levar deed ontploffen, Ivica Rozic, woont 200 meter verder. Hij is een bommenexpert die destijds explosieven vervaardigde voor het Kroatische leger en de politie. “Een tijdje na de moord pakte de politie Rozic op voor zijn rol bij de gruwel tijdens de oorlog”, legt Zeljko Peratovic uit. “Rozic dacht dat hij werd gearresteerd voor de moord en legde prompt bekentenissen af. De politie informeerde hem vriendelijk dat ze hem om een andere reden hadden opgepakt en dat zijn bekentenis niet telde zonder de aanwezigheid van een advocaat. Toen die arriveerde, ontkende Rozic alles. Hij was een van de ‘Vijf van Gospic’ die de dans ontsprong. Voor de moord op Milan Levar is hij nooit voor de rechter verschenen. Hoewel de politie weet wie hem betaald heeft voor de klus en er tijdens een huiszoeking gelijkaardige explosieven zijn gevonden bij hem.”

“Het is duidelijk dat het bevel voor de executie van Zagreb kwam. Dit was een politieke moord. Wat wij weten is dat Tihomir Oreskovic een tijdlang voor de Amerikaanse geheime dienst werkte. En dat zijn broer Ivica, die ook in Gospic actief was, lid was van de SIS, de Kroatische geheime dienst die onder bevel stond van de dubieuze defensieminister Susak, de man die actief ijverde voor een groter Kroati en een deel van Bosni-Herzegovina wilde. Oreskovic en de zijnen kwamen geregeld samen in een caf in Zagreb. Daar is de executie van Milan beslist. Onmiddellijk na de dood van Milan sprak ik er met een van de mensen uit de kring van Oreskovic. Tijdens ons gesprek werd hij benaderd door de Belgische wapenhandelaar en huurmoordenaar James Cappiau, die jarenlang vuile klussen opknapte voor het ministerie van Defensie alvorens hij zelf in 2001 in Zagreb werd afgemaakt. ‘Je moet mij 8.000 euro voor die klus’, zei Cappiau. ‘Het is geregeld.’ De man zei dat hij het gehoord had maar dat hij bij Oreskovic moest zijn. Enkele dagen later koos de eigenaar van dit caf, een vriend van Oreskovic, het hazenpad. Hij woont nu in Australi.”

De tijd heelt veel wonden, maar niet in Gospic. Wanhopig is Peratovic ook niet. Hij verwacht dat de toetreding tot de EU Kroati er onvermijdelijk toe zal dwingen het oorlogsverleden onder ogen te zien. “De komende maanden ga ik proberen zoveel mogelijk EU-parlementsleden te motiveren”, zegt hij tijdens de autorit terug. “Om hier eindelijk een zaak van te maken.”

‘Milan Levar werd drie keer in Den Haag uitgenodigd.
Dankzij hem wisten de onderzoekers van de VN
de exacte locatie van een massagraf in de buurt van Gospic te vinden’

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Die Balkanmafia

Thursday, April 7th, 2005

Vjesnik “Panorama” 13.09.2003

NORBERT MAPPES – NIEDIEK , JOURNALIST DER ZEITUNG DIE ZEIT, AUTOR DES BUCHES DIE BALKANMAFIA

Nicht der Fanatismus, sondern der Handel kennzeichneten diesen Krieg


Beispiele von schmutzigen Geschften finden wir am Besten im bosnischen Krieg. Karadzic konnte den Serben in Drvar nicht gestehen, dass Bosnien und Herzegowina geteilt werden soll und dass sie ihre Stadt in Richtung Sanski Most oder Banja Luka verlassen mssten. Dies war die Aufgabe der Kroatischen Armee. Die Vertreibung der Kroaten in Vares war anderseits nicht die Aufgabe der Kroaten, sondern der Moslems. Dies ist das schmutzige Geschft und die Logik des bosnischen Krieges nicht der Vlkerhass

Norbert Mappes – Niediek ist Journalist der Deutschen Zeitung Die Zeit. Eine Zeit lang war er Yasushi Akashi’s Berater fr das Gebiet des ehemaligen Jugoslawiens. Im Frhling dieses Jahres verffentlichte er das Buch Die Balkanmafia, das verschiedene Dossiers beinhaltet, die bis dahin in Der Zeit erschienen sind.

Vor kurzem besuchte er Zagreb, um sich vor Ort ber die Vorbereitung fr die bersetzung seines Buches ins Kroatische zu informieren. In Kroatien soll das Buch im Duriex-Verlag erscheinen. Wir nutzten diesen Gelegenheit mit Herrn Mappes – Niedek zu sprechen.

Das Buch Die Balkanmafia wurde in Deutschland just in der Zeit verffentlicht, als Zoran Djindjic ermordert wurde. Haben Sie je vermutet, dass so etwas geschehen knnte?

- Zwei Tage nach dem Erscheinen des Buches, wurde Djindjic ermordet. Ich war nicht berrascht. Vor diesem Attentat haben sie schon zwei Mal versucht, ihn zu ermordern. Es ist ganz klar, wer hinter all’ dem steckt. Es handelt sich um das Milieu bestehend aus dem organisiertem Verbrechen und der Kriegsverbrechenschaft. Es ist typisch nicht nur fr Serbien, sondern fr alle Staaten, die einst Teil des ehemaligen Jugoslawien waren. Fr die Deutsche ffentlichkeit war dies doch eine grosse berraschung. Nach all’ den Kriegen in dieser Region, geriet das ehemalige Jugoslawien mehr oder weniger in Vergessenheit. Man ging von einem klassischen etnischen oder ideologischen Konflikt aus. Niemand wusste um den kriminellen und verbrecherischen Hintergrund der Kriege Bescheid.

In denjenigen Teil des Buches, wo Sie Djindjic erwhnen, schreiben Sie ber seine Beziehungen zur Tabak-Mafia. Was fr ein Echo haben diese Erkenntnisse in Deutschland hervorgerufen? Wir wissen, dass gerade Djindjic in Deutschland eine grosse Untersttzung genossen konnte?

- Dieser Hintergrund ist noch nicht vllig klar. In Serbien sowieso nicht. Gemss den Artikeln in der Zeitschrift Nacional wissen wir, dass Djindjic mit den Schmugglern verbndet war. Der Zigaretten-Schmuggel liegt in einer Grauzone, zwischen Legalitt und Illegalitt. Die Tatsache, dass ein internationaler Markt fr den Zigaretten-Schmuggel besteht, fr den sich keine der Staaten interessiert, wird von den Kriminellen ausgenutzt. Die grossen Tabakkonzerne wie z.B. Phillip Morris oder BAT verkaufen Zigarreten in die ganzen Welt, aber niemand weiss, wer sie kauft. Niemand weiss, wo sie am Ende angelangen. Die Europische Union versucht dagegen anzukmpfen. Leider, bis jetzt vergebens. Die polizeilichen und gerichtlichen Ermittler in Deutschland sind sehr unzufrieden mit der Deutschen Diplomatie, die sich offensichtlich mit diesen Beziehungen berhaupt nicht befassen will. Doch das Wissen ber diese Beziehungen ist wichtig fr das Verstndnis nicht nur der jetzigen Situation zwischen den Staaten, sondern auch fr das Verstndnis des Konflikts im ehemaligen Jugoslawien. Zum Beispiel, fr das Verstndnis des wirtschaftlichen Konfliktes zwischen Serbien und Montenegro. Diese Konflikte wurden im Westen nur von der politischen Seite her betrachtet, nicht von der wirtschaftlichen, dessen waren Hintergrund sie darstellen.

Djukanovic und Djindjic werden im Verhltnis zu Milosevic als Demokraten angesehen.

- Das sind sie auch. Djukanovic hat, ohne jeden Zweifel, an der Demokratisierung Montenegros beigetragen. Dies gilt umso mehr fr Djindjic in Serbien. Seine Rolle am Milosevic’s Fall ist geschichtsreif. Aber, schon damals, als Milosevic noch an der Macht war, erkannte Djindjic, dass er mit dem kriminellen Kreisen zusammenarbeiten muss, wenn er Milosevic besiegen mchte. Es dauerte Monate bis endlich die EU-Gelder fr die Opposition Serbien erreichte. Es ist daher leicht zu erklren, wieso die Finanzierung aus den serbischen wirtschaftlichen Kreisen leichter zu organisieren war. Htte es dieses wirtschaftliche Milieu nicht gegeben, htte man Milosevic nie strzen knnen.

Im Buch erwhnen Sie auch die Untersttzung durch die Brder Karic und deren Medien.

- Ihre Rolle ist besonders interessant. Am Anfang waren ihre Medien gegen die Opposition. Sie wechselten ihre Meinung ein paar Tage vor Milosevic’s Sturz. Hervorheben mchte ich in diesem Zusammenhang, das Treffen zwischen Djindjic und Milorad Lukovic Legija an einem geheimen Ort, ein Tag vor Milosevic’s Sturz.

Wie bewerten Sie den Erfolg der serbischen Polizeiaktion Sablja?

- Am Anfang war dies ein grosser Erfolg. Zum ersten Mal merkten die Leute in Serbien, dass ein Staat besteht. Aber, es war von Anfang auch ganz klar, dass die serbische Gerichtsbarkeit keine Mglichkeiten haben wird, alle 4500 Angeschuldigte zu prozessuieren. Jetzt haben wir eine Stimmung des backlash. Wir werden sehen, wie sich nun die Gerichtsverhandlungen, die diese Tagen beginnen, abspielen werden. Doch ist es sehr wichtig zu erwhnen, dass die serbische ffentlichkeit sehen konnte, dass die Polizei fhig ist, gegen die Kriminellen anzukmpfen. Dies konnte man in den anderen Staaten, auch in Kroatien, bis heute noch nicht erkennen.

Die Beziehungen des organisierten Verbrechens in dieser Region sind sehr interessant. Es entsteht der Eindruck, dass das Vebrechen keine Grenzen kannte.

- Handelt es sich um mehrere Staaten, haben sie ein Paradies fr ilegalle Aktionen. Keiner dieser Staaten ist fhig, die Zge des organisierten Verbrechens zu verfolgen. Das bestehen von Grenzen ist fr den Schmuggel sehr wichtig. Ohne Grenzen gibt es auch keinen Schmuggel. Die Polizei keines Staates ist fhig mit der Polizei eines anderen Staates zu kooperieren.

Sie erwhnen die Albaner, als die wichtigsten Akteure des organisierten Verbrechens im Bereich des Drogenhandels in der ganzen Region. Die Albaner haben die Drogen sogar der serbischen Mafia verkauft.

- Ja, genau. Yumco aus Vranje hat die Anzge fr die Kosovarische Befreiungsarmee geschnitten. In Serbien wurde deswegen Anklage erhoben. Aber, dies soll nicht bedeuten, dass die Banden multinational seien. Dennoch arbeiten sie auf dem internationalen Markt hervorragend zusammen. In Serbien sprach man immer ber die albanische Mafia, und dabei hat man leicht vergessen, welche Rolle die serbische Polizei spielte. Whrend des Kosovo-Krieges haben sich manche Albaner ziemlich bereichert. Sie hatten berhaupt keine Probleme mit der serbischen Polizei.
Einst erklrte mir ein Polizist in Belgrad, wieso so viele Polizisten bereit wren in den Einsatz nach Kosovo zu gehen. Es war ja ziemlich gefhrlich. Die Albaner hasste die serbischen Polizisten, und dennoch gab es so viele Freiwillige. Es ist ganz klar, dass fr sie die Bereicherung, dh. die Erpressung reicher Albaner, im Vordergrund stand. Dies geschah auch im Jahre 1998, als Serbien der ganzen Welt erklrte, in Kosovo geschehe der Separatismus. Doch was erstaunt ist die Tatsache, dass gerade in dieser Zeit die Kosovarische Befreiungsarmee ihre Bros im Zentrum von Pristina besass. Kein einziger Polizist kam sich zu erkundigen. Wre es mglich, dass die ETA Bros in Bilbao besitzt?

Die ideologischen Vorurteile, die bei der politischen Elite im Westen im berfluss bestand, werden in ihrem Buch durch die Behauptung widerlegt, dass hinter der Ideologie die alten Strukturen standen, mit ihren Wnschen um Reichtum und Macht?

- Anfangs 1992 kam ich ins ehemalige Jugoslawien. Ich erwartete, fanatische Politiker anzutreffen, die denken wrden, ihre Nation sei wertvoller als all’ die anderen. Dem war aber nicht so. Diese Politiker waren grsstenteils nicht fanatisiert, mehr oder weniger waren sie Demokraten. Ihr Job bestand in der Aufteilung des Landes. Sie behaupteten, dies sei unausweichlich. Den Fanatismus traf ich bei den Opfern, beim Volk, nicht bei den Politikern. In Pale vermutete ich die grssten Fanatiker, dem war nicht so. Sie sagten mir, Izetbegovic erledigt sein Teil der Arbeit, sie ihren.

Ich fhlte, dass der Fanatismus und die Ideologie nicht die ganze Kriegsgeschichte ausmachten. Als ich in Pale war, sah ich nachts Tankwagen aus Kiseljak, die den serbischen Markt mit Benzin aus dem kroatischen Teil der Region versorgten. Spontane Aktionen gab es in diesem Krieg nicht. Auch keine Demonstrationen. Sogar diejenigen, die sich gegen die Rckkehrer abspielten, waren fingiert. Auf der Strasse befand sich nicht das gemeine Volk, immer waren dies Leute, die von einem Politiker zusammengerufen worden waren.

Im Buch erwhnen Sie auch die Rolle von Mladen Naletelic Tuta im Handel mit den Serben.

- Ich habe Naletelic nicht persnlich gesehen, doch seine Leute waren berall. Ich sah sie auch in Pale.

In Ihrem Buch haben Sie auch die Rolle von Fikret Abdic in diesem Krieg erlutert.

- Seit dem Beginn ist seine Geschichte strikt geschftlicher Natur. Das Waffenembargo des Westen hatte dem im Wesentlichen dazu beigetragen. Das Embargo ermglichte ein Milieu zwischen Verbrechen und Politik. Sogar der verstorbene Kroatische Minister Susak hat mit diesen Kreisen verkehrt. Dann die Kosovarische Befreiungsarmee, die mit Drogen handelte, um Waffen zu bekommen. In Italien gibt es Beweise fr diese Behauptungen.

Es gibt auch Indizien, dass whrend der Belagerung von Vukovar die Kroaten von Arkan Waffen gekauft htten? Es gab, angeblich, Vorschlge, nach der Operation Sturm Banja Luka fr Tuzla zu wechseln?

- Ja, solche Karten wurde gezeichnet. Im Herbst 1995, als NATO die bosnischen Serben bombardierte, hatte die kroatische Armee die Aufgabe die westlichen Teile Bosniens einzunehmen, Drvar und andere Orte. Ein General hatte mit seiner Armee den Fluss Sana berquert und schon am Tag danach wurde er von seinem Posten genommen. Er hat die Grenze der Absprache berschritten. In diesen Regionen gab es nie einen totalen Krieg. Es handelte sich immer um eine politisch kontrollierten Krieg


Norbert Mappes-Niediek, Nada Peratovic und Zeljko Peratovic

Schon damals beim Kampf um Vukovar sprach man von einem Deal.

- Ja, Vukovar war das erste Beispiel, bei dem sich die Leute fragten, um was es hier geht. Meine Meinung ist aber, dass der Westen bis heute nicht begriffen hat, was sich in diesen Kriegen abgespielt hatte.

Lange Zeit sah der Westen nur in den Moslems die Opfer.

- Es entspricht auch der Wahrheit, dass das bosnische Volk im bosnischen Krieg das grsste Opfer war, nicht aber die bosnische Fhrung. Im Westen meinte man, die Bosnier wrden die Idee eines multiethnischen Staates verteidigen. Doch, wre dem so gewesen, gbe es keine Vertreibungen von Kroaten in Bugojno. Sie hatten zwei Mglichkeiten: das einheitliche Bosnien und Herzegowina, und wenn dies nicht mglich sei, dann wollten sie einen separatistischen, moslemischen Staat. Sehen Sie sich nur das Beispiel von Vares an, in dem berwiegend Kroaten lebten. Dort waren die Leute keine Nationalisten, doch wurden sie Opfer einer Vereinbarung zwischen der kroatischen und bosnischen Regierung.

Im Unterschied zu Serbien, sagen Sie, htte Kroatien einen funktionierenden Staat. Doch, das organisierte Verbrechen, welches aus dem Krieg hervorging, wirkt auch in Kroatien noch immer.

- Dieses Problem wird noch lange anwesend sein. Seit dem Beginn hatte das organisierte Verbrechen in der Erschaffung von Institutionen eine wichtige Rolle gespielt. Dies sieht man nun am Beispiel von Kosovo. Das Ziel war die Erschaffung von Institutionen, dies wiederum frderte die Institutionalisierung des organisierten Verbrechens. Nun versuchen die internationalen Truppen in Kosovo die Lustration von Leuten, die an die Macht wollen. Weder in Serbien noch in Kroatien gab es solch’ eine Lustration.

Zeljko Peratovic

aus dem Kroatischen bersetzt: Nada Peratovic

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